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Anura’s Fiscal Empire, Built on Ranil’s Foundation

 Abstract

This study analyses the continuity of Sri Lanka’s fiscal and macroeconomic policies from the crisis management era of Ranil Wickremesinghe (2022–2024) to the early policy period of Anura Kumara Dissanayake (2024–present). Drawing on official fiscal documents, IMF program reviews, and the Central Bank’s annual data, the research shows that the National People’s Power (NPP) government’s 2025 fiscal program operates within the macroeconomic and institutional scaffolding constructed during Wickremesinghe’s tenure. Although Dissanayake’s administration presents a populist narrative of social equity and redistribution, its fiscal operations remain aligned with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) Extended Fund Facility (EFF) and the Public Financial Management Act (PFMA) No. 44 of 2024. The findings suggest that Sri Lanka’s current stability and policy direction are the cumulative outcome of reforms initiated under Wickremesinghe’s crisis-era technocratic governance.


1. Introduction

Sri Lanka’s economic recovery between 2022 and 2025 is a case of structural continuity following a systemic collapse. When Wickremesinghe assumed the roles of President and Minister of Finance in mid-2022, the nation was in economic freefall, marked by record inflation, currency depreciation, and external default (IMF, 2025a). By 2024, inflation had fallen from nearly 70 per cent to below 2 per cent, GDP growth had returned to positive territory, and foreign-exchange reserves had more than doubled (Central Bank of Sri Lanka, 2023).

Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s NPP government inherited this stabilised macroeconomic environment. His first budget, presented in February 2025, maintained the same IMF-prescribed fiscal targets: a primary surplus of 2.3 per cent of GDP and revenues approaching 15 per cent of GDP (IMF, 2025a; Ministry of Finance, 2025). The central question addressed in this paper is whether Dissanayake’s fiscal program represents a departure from or a continuation of Wickremesinghe’s stabilisation framework.


2. Methodology

This research adopts a comparative policy analysis based on four main fiscal sources: the Fiscal Management Reports (FMRs) 2022–2024 and the Budget, Economic and Fiscal Position Report (BEFPR) 2025 (Ministry of Finance, 2023; 2025). These primary documents are triangulated with IMF country reports, the Central Bank of Sri Lanka Annual Report 2023, and the Public Financial Management Act No. 44 of 2024 (Parliament of Sri Lanka, 2024). Comparative analysis focuses on three axes—macroeconomic performance, fiscal structure, and institutional design—to determine continuity between the two administrations.


3. Wickremesinghe’s Crisis Management and Institutional Reforms

The 2022 economic crisis was defined by shortages of essentials, a sovereign default, and hyperinflation reaching 73.7 per cent in September 2022 (Central Bank of Sri Lanka, 2023). Wickremesinghe’s administration sought legitimacy and stability through the IMF. In March 2023, Sri Lanka secured a US$ 2.9 billion EFF, mandating fiscal consolidation, debt restructuring, and enhanced monetary independence (IMF, 2025a).

Between 2022 and 2023, total revenue rose from below 8 per cent to 9.8 per cent of GDP following the reinstatement of VAT, PAYE, and higher corporate tax rates (Ministry of Finance, 2023). The fiscal deficit narrowed from 10.2 per cent of GDP in 2022 to 6.8 per cent in 2023, while the primary balance turned positive (IMF, 2025b).

Monetary stabilisation complemented fiscal consolidation. The Central Bank of Sri Lanka Act No. 16 of 2023 institutionalised price-stability objectives, resulting in a dramatic fall in inflation from 70 per cent to 1.5 per cent by October 2023 (Parliament of Sri Lanka, 2023).

State-owned enterprises (SOEs) were restructured through cost-reflective pricing. The 2024 Budget Speech reported that 52 SOEs moved from a collective loss of Rs 727 billion in 2022 to a profit of Rs 313 billion in 2023 (Parliament of Sri Lanka, 2023). Simultaneously, the Domestic Debt Optimisation (DDO) program extended maturities and lowered servicing costs, while negotiations with bilateral and private creditors advanced debt restructuring of about US$ 25 billion by late 2024 (IMF, 2025a; Reuters, 2025a).

Perhaps the most enduring reform was legal. The PFMA No. 44 of 2024 replaced the Fiscal Management (Responsibility) Act 2003, introducing binding primary-balance targets, mid-year and pre-election fiscal reports, and a multi-year debt-reduction strategy (Parliament of Sri Lanka, 2024). The Fiscal Management Report 2024 anticipated this shift, and the BEFPR 2025 was the first report issued formally under the PFMA (Ministry of Finance, 2023; 2025).


4. Outcomes of the Wickremesinghe Era

Quantitatively, the results were significant. Inflation declined from 70 per cent to 1.5 per cent, GDP growth averaged 4.3 per cent from late 2023 onward, and reserves climbed above US$ 5.5 billion by early 2024 (IMF, 2025a; Central Bank of Sri Lanka, 2023). The fiscal deficit narrowed, and the primary balance turned surplus. SOEs shifted into profitability, and the PFMA ensured fiscal discipline would survive changes in government.

This phase marked the end of crisis firefighting and the birth of an institutional framework for sustained fiscal management. Wickremesinghe’s reforms laid both the legal and macroeconomic foundation on which subsequent governments would be compelled to build.


5. Continuity under Anura Kumara Dissanayake

Dissanayake’s assumption of the finance portfolio in September 2024 occurred after the economy had stabilised. The 2025 budget presented a program consistent with IMF parameters and PFMA obligations (Ministry of Finance, 2025). Revenue was projected at 15 per cent of GDP, expenditure at 21.8 per cent, and the primary surplus at 2.3 per cent (IMF, 2025a; Reuters, 2025b).

Major debt restructuring was completed in December 2024, leaving the NPP government to manage, not design, the process (IMF, 2025b). The PFMA’s reporting and surplus rules remained intact, and the 2025 budget continued to use the same fiscal anchors as its predecessor.

Crucially, the NPP did not reverse the revenue measures or energy pricing policies established under Wickremesinghe. Instead, its budget reframed these within a narrative of social justice and redistribution. The language of the 2025 BEFPR emphasised “equity and participation” while preserving the austerity-based discipline of the previous administration (Ministry of Finance, 2025).

No attempt was made to alter the Central Bank’s independence or to monetise deficits. The IMF and credit agencies confirmed that Sri Lanka remained on track with EFF benchmarks (IMF, 2025b; Reuters, 2025b).


6. Discussion

Dissanayake’s fiscal governance represents continuity masked by ideological rebranding. Wickremesinghe’s reforms—particularly the PFMA and IMF program—bind the NPP government to a pre-determined fiscal path. While the NPP emphasises inclusion and equity, its budget figures demonstrate alignment with Wickremesinghe’s targets.

The political economy of continuity is clear: Wickremesinghe absorbed the political cost of tax hikes and price increases to restore macro-stability. Dissanayake benefits from the fiscal space created by those measures, allowing him to redirect narratives without undermining the structure. As the IMF Third Review (2025a) observes, Sri Lanka has already recovered 40 per cent of its output loss since 2018, a result attributable to policy continuity rather than rupture.


7. Conclusion

The trajectory from Ranil Wickremesinghe to Anura Kumara Dissanayake illustrates an unusual case of fiscal continuity in Sri Lankan politics. Wickremesinghe’s period (2022–2024) was defined by stabilisation under external supervision and institutional reform. The PFMA 2024 enshrined discipline into law, and the IMF EFF established a long-term macroeconomic roadmap.

Dissanayake’s 2025 budget operates entirely within this structure. The difference is rhetorical and distributional rather than structural. The NPP government positions itself as a socially conscious executor of a technocratic legacy. In substance, its empire is built upon the foundation that Wickremesinghe laid during Sri Lanka’s most severe economic crisis.

Future research should examine whether the PFMA’s discipline and IMF benchmarks can endure political cycles and whether the NPP can maintain social equity without fiscal slippage. For now, the empirical evidence supports the thesis that Sri Lanka’s present stability is the product of policy continuity rather than innovation.


References

Central Bank of Sri Lanka (2023) Annual Report 2023. Colombo: Central Bank of Sri Lanka.

International Monetary Fund (2025a) Sri Lanka: Third Review under the Extended Arrangement under the Extended Fund Facility. IMF Country Report No. 25/56. Washington, DC: IMF.

International Monetary Fund (2025b) ‘IMF Executive Board completes the third review under Sri Lanka’s extended fund facility arrangement’, IMF Press Release No. 25/53, 28 February. Washington, DC: IMF.

Ministry of Finance (2023) Fiscal Management Report 2024: Fiscal Strategy Statement 2024 and Budget, Economic and Fiscal Position Report 2024. Colombo: Ministry of Finance, Economic Stabilization and National Policies.

Ministry of Finance (2025) Budget, Economic and Fiscal Position Report 2025. Colombo: Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development.

Parliament of Sri Lanka (2023) Budget Speech 2024: A Prelude to the Stable Future. Colombo: Parliament of Sri Lanka.

Parliament of Sri Lanka (2024) Public Financial Management Act No. 44 of 2024. Colombo: Government Press.

Reuters (2025a) ‘IMF’s Executive Board approves third review of Sri Lanka’s $2.9 billion bailout’, Reuters, 28 February. Available at: https://www.reuters.com.

Reuters (2025b) ‘Sri Lanka secures staff-level IMF agreement on fourth review of bailout’, Reuters, 25 April. Available at: https://www.reuters.com.

 

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